On 21st August 1968, forty-five
years ago today, Russian tanks rolling into Wenceslas Square signalled an abrupt
end to the Prague
Spring, that brave attempt to liberalize communism in Czechoslovakia. I recall
the day vividly: the newsreel footage of people staring in dismay and disbelief
at the tanks as they lumbered up the Square towards the National Museum; on the
front page of the evening papers the face of the Czech leader, Alexander
Dubcek, who had been seized by the Soviets. Thanks to the immediacy of TV
news, it was no longer possible to shrug this off as merely a local difficulty
in “a far-away country between people of whom we know nothing”. The world had
come a long way in the thirty years since Chamberlain’s
infamous dismissal of Czechoslovakia and the Czechs.
More
than twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall I still have a curiosity
about the former Iron Curtain countries, and two days ago I was myself in
Wenceslas Square. If I list the shops and coffee houses to be found there –
M&S occupying an impressive Jugendstil
building, Debenhams, Costa, Starbucks – the evidence of a post-communist world
seems irrefutable. What strikes me is how the memory of the Cold War and its
meaning for the people who lived in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and all points east
and north seems to have faded – as it certainly has in the west. The only clear evidence I saw all week of an
affection for the past was a breezy blue Lada
heading out of the city with a sign on its rear window: ‘Made forty years ago in the Soviet Union’.
There’s
nothing new about this, of course. Indeed, only a few months after the Russian
army ousted Dubcek, a young Prague student set himself on fire in front of the
National Museum and became the first martyr of the Prague Spring. His name was,
of course, Jan Palach. Today a cross on
the ground marks the spot, literally,
where his act of self-immolation took place.
Palach
didn’t die immediately. In the hospital where
he was treated, Jaroslava
Moserova talked to him about his motives:
‘The reason why he
did it was quite clear. It was not so much in opposition to the Soviet
occupation, but the demoralization which was setting in, that people were not
only giving up, but giving in. And he wanted to stop that demoralization.’
You could say Palach succeeded. Czechoslovakia became the focus
of the West’s attention. Vaclav Havel, the imprisoned dissident playwright, became second only to Alexander Solzhenitzyn as the most prominent literary
opponent of communism. Tom Stoppard (himself Czech by birth) set two of his most
overtly political plays, Professional Foul
(1977) and Cahoot’s
Macbeth (1978) in Prague. Miroslav Holub,
the Czech poet, was called by Ted Hughes ‘One of the half-dozen most important
poets writing anywhere’. His books were banned after the invasion, he lost his
job as a scientist at the university and he was forced to make a public self-denunciation
of his own writing.
Another part of the
answer is to be found in W
G Sebald’s Austerlitz:
And might
it not be, continued Austerlitz, that we also have appointments to keep in the
past, in what has gone before and is for the most part extinguished, and must
go there in search of places and people who have some connection with us on the
far side of time, so to speak? (Penguin ed. 2002, trans. Anthea Bell, p.360)
I have written elsewhere
about this novel and its importance for me. Austerlitz is a solitary wandering
scholar in search of his past and his real identity; he finds it at last in
Prague. Here he had been born; from here he had been sent, aged four and
travelling alone, on one of the last kindertransport
trains to get safely out of Czechoslovakia. If you have never yet read Austerlitz, it’s not too late. Re-reading
the book this week, I’m struck by how Sebald’s description of the occupation of
Prague by Nazi forces in the Second World War anticipates the occupation of the
city by Soviet troops in 1968 – and not just his account of the tanks rolling
across the Vltava river but of their effect on the inhabitants of the city:
Next
morning, at first light, the Germans did indeed march into Prague in the middle
of a heavy snowstorm which seemed to make them appear out of nowhere. When they
crossed the bridge and their armoured cars were rolling up the Narodní a profound
silence fell over the whole city. People turned away, and from that moment they
walked more slowly, like somnambulists, as if they no longer knew where they
were going. (p.242)
Just
beyond the walls of the Old Jewish Cemetery, I come by chance on a memorial to
Jan Palach: a small face on a large bronze oblong. Only his name and the date of his protest are
given – nothing else is needed. At the top of the plaque is engraved the lion
rampant, symbol of Czech national identity. Palach’s love for his country is matched by
his country’s admiration for him. The same can be said about the great Czech
composer Dvorak. Sure enough, just across the road, outside the Rudolfinum
Concert Hall, is a statue of my favourite composer.
To
Dvorak I owe the strongest of all my memories of 21st August 1968. By
an ironic coincidence, the Promenade
Concert in the Albert Hall that evening featured Mstislav Rostropovitch,
the great Russian cellist, performing Dvorak’s Cello Concerto. I had gone to
hear what is perhaps the finest of all Czech symphonic works, and I’d queued
outside the Albert Hall, reading in the Evening
Standard the first accounts of events in Wenceslas Square. Once inside, I
stood as close to the orchestra as I could get, feeling myself to be a proper
Promenader at last. When Rostropovitch appeared, there was booing and
barracking from some in the audience; he looked shocked and disconcerted as he
settled himself to begin. And then, while he played, tears streamed down his face.
I saw them: I was there.
Adrian Barlow
[Illustrations: (i) The spires of the Our Lady Before Tyn, Old Square, Prague; (ii) The Old Jewish Cemetery; (iii) memorial to Jan Palach.